I thought about the title of this column. I was hesitating whether to call it, “A Suing Grandmother”, “A Cry Baby” or maybe just, “A Manipulator.” I was not going to be too direct and use another appropriate word instead of a “manipulator.” However, that sujibaba seems very appropriate to me because it contains the elements of crying, and at the same time manipulation, which is Mickoski’s second name.
I will mention once again that Kovacevski and the SDS are so incompetent and do not know where to push that only Mickoski successfully matches them in this incompetence. However, when you connect Mickoski with Zaev, and the behind-the-scenes games with Mijalkov, who always had an open door with Mickoski and Zaev, that things become very clear. That cap is opened with people or with coins. It doesn’t matter, only if the business does it. At the same time, there was no problem to sacrifice prominent members of VMRO-DPMNE in the staged dance to change Mickoski through the “Mayor’s coalition,” of course, named by Mickoski. Then, Zaev entered the game, who, in order to continue the functioning of the ZMM coalition, sometimes arrested Mijalkov, sometimes let him go, but in the end, the happy ending came with the speedy changes to the Criminal Code in Articles 353 and 394. Now everyone is happy and cheerful. Of course, it must be obscured by several major events such as the events in the Supreme Court regarding the abolition of Ivanov and the Parliament’s Commission of Inquiry regarding the Oncology scandal.
Thus, no one will wonder, let alone speak or, God forbid, ask for information, specifically by name and subject about how many persons, which objects, and by how much the specific value has fallen due to the changes in the Criminal Law. Mickoski won’t ask for that either and don’t expect him to. Not in his worst nightmares, because that’s how he’ll expose his manipulations to us all. In the meantime, he will talk to us about the ideology of VMRO (of which he has no idea), or he will tell us stories about new evidence regarding Oncology, and it is clear to all of us that there is evidence and that all political parties are pressuring the witnesses not to speak. So, my dears, we will have fun with the nonsense that will be further obscured through the Commissions of Inquiry instead of leaving the work to the prosecution, as well as pretending to be justice in the Supreme Court. The goal is precisely NOT to realize justice and to see a judicial conclusion with new specific high party and state officials in the dock.
In the meantime, Mickoski will sue his fellow party members who do not think like him under “interesting” accusations by using their statements in 2020 that they reduced the capacity of the party to form a parliamentary majority and a government. After closing the topic, Gruevski persistently cries several more times in front of the public that “that topic is closed.” Of course, he did not explain to the membership what happened to the evidence of Gruevski’s (mis)deeds, or at least that we saw them before the party bodies and organs. After all, accountability and public policies are based not on complaining and crying, but on presenting facts to the public, especially to the members of VMRO-DPMNE.
These issues concern all party members in two ways. First, let’s find out when, with whom, about what, and how Mickoski negotiated the formation of a government in 2020 after the parliamentary elections. Secondly, let’s find out if, and if so, what Gruevski negotiated with Kovacevski and Ahmeti. The latter has a direct connection with the public opinion (of all of us – the citizens of Macedonia) as to who by name, in how many cases and for how much money, has been exempted from criminal prosecution due to the changes to the Criminal Law. The first, however, has to do with making it clear to us why VMRO-DPMNE failed to become the government in 2020. This is especially important if we have a sound political outlook and put a multifaceted dilemma before us as party members: “Was Mickoski incapable of negotiating with other political actors, and possible centers of influence making VMRO-DPMNE the government or, indeed, did the defendant Petrovski with two sentences expressed in public, prevent Mickoski from his intention or, is Mickoski crying in vain, because he did not want to negotiate and form a government in 2020 and now he is looking for cheap excuses”?
Perhaps, as members of VMRO-DPMNE, we deserve answers to these questions and clarification of these dilemmas so that Mickoski has strengthened (dis)trust in him.
It is very clear. Either Mickoski has the capacity to guarantee victory and the formation of a government for VMRO-DPMNE, or he is announcing to us from now on that he will cry and sue and everyone else will be blamed for his failure to form a government after the next parliamentary elections.
Another message that Mickoski sends us is also serious, at the level of endangering human rights within the framework of the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech.
In this context, I remind you of Mickoski’s public bragging about the lawsuits he brought against journalists who told “untruths” against him. I would very much like the court to have the courage to publicly announce who these people were that paid the yellow portal “Dokaz” to publish ordered falsehoods against those whom some people decided should be eliminated from public and political life. Consider the damage that was also done to personal lives and reputations. While it is our judiciary that aims to discipline individuals, in this case it is the poor executors that will face the penalties, not the principals and organizers (planners) of such acts.
But let me return to the consequences of the Mickoski lawsuit on democratic freedoms and our freedom of speech.
Just imagine an impossible situation, Prime Minister Micko. In that context, they are under his control following the example of some other regimes and centers that impress him and represent a model of a successful political system and governance model. As soon as you write something against Mickoski or give criticism, after suing him, the “just” courts will judge it as an act with an exceptional psychological impact on the person crying, for which they will determine a “commensurate” fine. With that, they will properly discipline us not to “bark” a lot against the Sun-king.
That’s what, my dear fellow party members, you have now in a party where you go to some “God events” and you show up to be seen so you won’t be blamed. While at the same time you must support the “monolith” of the party, even though you feel like crying and are tired of it. It will happen in our country, and we will all cry a lot more. But by then it will be too late. We will become a monolithic state in which our young generations will be brainwashed about the father, sorry, the lawsuit of the Mickoski nation, and the older ones will threaten us with high fines, and/or, God forbid, prison. From here to complete totalitarianism is a thin line that we will not even notice when it is crossed. No one should wonder why our children and grandchildren will move en masse from our homeland of Macedonia. And of course, my dear fellow party members, do not hope that your personal interests in employment will be respected above all. There are others of Micko’s, his own, who are waiting in line, and have nothing to do with the ideology of VMRO and party activism. What he tells you through the media about some firm ideological stance is just plain marketing. The fact that he does not show you that he is a democrat is visible in the party itself and its forced monolithicity, during which he expressly marginalizes and removes all those who disagree with his policies. He does this to the extent that contacts of party members with those who clearly point to his manipulations and undemocratic capacity are prohibited. Remember, these are his, and his clientelistic supported policies, not the policies built through thought and discussion and enacted in the organs and bodies of the party. That’s why Petrovski is being sued. This is why we haven’t seen any evidence against Gruevski anywhere, except for that wretched brandishing of USB on IzNotGut. That is why we can’t see any democratic procedure in the party including a clear and public party debate on the issue of constitutional amendments, the fight against crime and corruption. But most of all, the capacity for democratic governance of Mickoski and his clients.
The messages are clear. This complainer and crybaby will turn into a despot overnight, and when we wake up, we will be in a bigger nightmare than the one we are in now as a society, state, and individuals. That is why our personal interests are not important. Because if we lose the party in the democratic capacity, neither will our personal interests nor will our personal happiness matter. Totalitarianism simply feeds on people’s personal (un)happiness. This means that we will soon lose Macedonia as well.
That’s why we came out as an intra-party faction to encourage you as members of VMRO-DPMNE to save our party, and in addition to the historical gene contained in VMRO, to illuminate the second part of the acronym – DPMNE.
As for Mickoski’s ISOLATION, in which democratic Europe puts him, who will he complain to and whom will he sue? There will be apologists who will try to defend him, but it’s just all the more shame on those apologists. Who told the EU to isolate him to the point of not seeing him? Woe to him, but as they say, measure by measure and the manguplak or by our noses the kurnazl’k has an end, and especially patience. It is obvious that the EU’s patience is running out. It’s just a question of how much patience we VMRO-DPMNE members have to keep quiet while Mickoski pushes the party into international isolation, and there is only one plaintiff at home.
We, as an internal party faction, will talk about it in more detail in another column, but we believe one of the reasons why democratic Europe does not want to talk to him is the suing for insulted vanity as a means of fighting political dissidents.

Oliver Andonov


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